What Russia proposed in Istanbul in March 2022
by Jeffrey Sachs
[This
article posted on 6/26/2024 is translated from the German on the
Internet,
https://www.telepolis.de/features/Was-Russlands-im-Maerz-2022-in-Istanbul-vorgeschlagen-hat-9778854.html.]
Moscow
is probably open to negotiations. But they would result in territorial
losses for Kiev. But what is the alternative? A plea (Part 2 and
conclusion)
In
the first part of this article, Jeffrey Sachs writes about the various
attempts to end the war in Ukraine. According to this author, Russia has
made various proposals. Sachs is a well-known critic of US policy on
this issue, and his theses are the subject of controversy.
Read part 1 here:
Ukraine War: Why does the USA not want a negotiated peace?
Telepolis
Sachs
writes that Russia has proposed negotiating security arrangements with
the US for the fifth time since 2008. NATO, led by the US, has steadily
expanded its alliance to the east, which has contributed to the current
crisis in Ukraine. Now the second part of his analysis.
Putin's
fourth offer of negotiations came in March 2022, which led to Russia
and Ukraine almost concluding a peace agreement just a few weeks after
the start of the Russian military operation, which began on February 24,
2022.
Russia proposed again: neutrality of Ukraine, i.e. no NATO membership and no stationing of US missiles on the Russian border.
Ukrainian
President Volodymyr Zelensky accepted Ukraine's neutrality, and Ukraine
and Russia exchanged the documents they had drafted, with the competent
mediation of the Turkish Foreign Ministry. Then, at the end of March,
Ukraine suddenly broke off the negotiations.
Jeffrey David Sachs is an American economist and professor at Columbia University.
British
Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who was probably influenced by the
British anti-Russian warmongering during the Crimean War (1853-1856),
flew to Kiev to warn Zelenskyy against accepting Ukraine's neutrality
and to convince him that Ukraine could defeat Russia on the battlefield.
Since then, Ukraine has lost around 500,000 dead soldiers and is on the losing side on the battlefield.
Russia's fifth offer of negotiations on June 14, 2024
Russia
has now made a fifth offer of negotiation, which Putin himself
explained in his speech to diplomats at the Russian Foreign Ministry on
June 14. In it, Putin set out the conditions proposed by Russia for
ending the war in Ukraine.
"Ukraine
should adopt a neutral, non-aligned status, be nuclear-free and undergo
demilitarization and denazification," Putin said.
Broad agreement in Istanbul
These
provisions were largely agreed during the Istanbul negotiations in
2022, including specific details on demilitarization such as the agreed
number of tanks and other military equipment. A consensus was reached on
all points at that time.
"Of
course, the rights, freedoms and interests of Russian-speaking citizens
in Ukraine must be fully protected," Putin continued.
The disputed territories
Furthermore,
the new territorial realities, including the status of the People's
Republics of Crimea, Sevastopol, Donetsk and Lugansk and the regions of
Kherson and Zaporizhzhia as parts of the Russian Federation, should be
recognized.
These
basic principles would have to be laid down in future by fundamental
international agreements. This would also mean the lifting of all
Western sanctions against Russia.
What are the upcoming negotiations about?
Let
me conclude by saying a few words about the negotiations themselves and
about the proposals that are on the table. First of all, Russia's
proposals must be answered with proposals from the US and Ukraine.
The
White House is completely wrong to refuse to negotiate just because it
does not agree with Russia's proposals. It should put forward its own
proposals and get down to work negotiating an end to the war.
The core issues
For
Russia, there are three core issues: the neutrality of Ukraine (no NATO
expansion), the retention of Crimea by Russia and border changes in
eastern and southern Ukraine.
The first two of these core issues are almost certainly non-negotiable for Russia.
Please also read
Ukraine war: Is NATO's eastward expansion at the heart of the conflict?
Telepolis
Ukraine war: Why does the US not want a negotiated peace?
Telepolis
The
desired NATO expansion to include Ukraine (and Georgia) is the
fundamental casus belli and therefore an end to this objective is
indispensable for Russia. Crimea is also of central importance to
Russia, as the Russian Black Sea Fleet has been stationed there since
1783 and is of fundamental importance for Russia's national security.
The borders in the south and east
The third core issue, the borders in eastern and southern Ukraine, could be a central point of negotiation.
After
NATO bombed Serbia in 1999 to split Kosovo from Yugoslavia, and after
the US put pressure on the Sudanese government to give up South Sudan,
the US should not act as if borders are always inviolable in the
upcoming negotiations.
Rather,
the borders of Ukraine must be redrawn as a result of the 10-year war
there, the situation on the battlefield, the decisions of the local
population and the compromises reached at the negotiating table.
Refusal to negotiate until nuclear Armageddon?
President
Biden should also accept that negotiations are not a sign of weakness.
As Kennedy put it, "Never negotiate out of fear, but never be afraid to
negotiate".
Ronald Reagan paraphrased his own negotiating strategy with a Russian proverb: "Trust, but verify".
The neoconservative approach to Russia, which has been delusional and presumptuous from the outset, is now in ruins.
The fallacies
NATO will never be able to expand to include Ukraine and Georgia.
Russia's president will not be toppled by a covert CIA operation.
Ukraine
often has to mourn 1,000 or more dead and wounded on the battlefield in
a single day. And the failed neoconservative game plan is bringing us
ever closer to nuclear Armageddon.
Yet Biden still refuses to negotiate. After Putin's latest speech, the US, NATO and Ukraine again firmly rejected negotiations.
Defeat Russia?
Biden and his team have not yet abandoned the neoconservative fantasy of defeating Russia and expanding NATO into Ukraine.
The
Ukrainian people have been lied to repeatedly by Zelensky, Biden and
other NATO leaders who have falsely and repeatedly told them that
Ukraine could win on the battlefield and that there was no possibility
of negotiation.
Ukraine
is now under martial law and the Ukrainian public there has no say in
the slaughter to which it continues to be subjected.
For
the sake of Ukraine's survival and to prevent a nuclear war, the
President of the United States has only one overriding obligation today:
to negotiate.
This
article by Jeffrey D. Sachs, entitled "Why Won't the US Help Negotiate a
Peaceful End to the War in Ukraine? For goodness' sake, negotiate!" was
published on June 19, 2024 on the US website Common Dreams. This
text was translated into German by Klaus-Dieter Kolenda with the
permission of the author and provided with some subheadings.
Dangers and hopes of an emerging multipolar world
by Jeffrey D. Sachs
[This
article posted on 6/10/2024 is translated from the German on the
Internet,
https://www.telepolis.de/features/Gefahren-und-Hoffnungen-einer-entstehenden-multipolaren-Welt-9755728.html.]
The
world economy is undergoing profound change. Countries that were once
left behind in the industrialization process are now being upgraded.
This has significant consequences. A guest article.
The
publication on May 30 of the World Bank's latest estimates on the
development of national production capacities up to 2022 is an occasion
to reflect on the new geopolitical situation.
The
new data underline the shift from a US-led to a multipolar world
economy, a reality that US strategists have so far failed to recognize
and acknowledge. However, the World Bank's figures make it clear that
the economic dominance of the West has come to an end.
The era of Western economic dominance is over
In
1994, the Western G7 countries, which include Canada, France, Germany,
Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, accounted for
45.3 percent of global goods production, compared with 18.9 percent for
the BRICS countries, which include Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia,
India, Iran, Russia, South Africa and the United Arab Emirates.
The
tables have now turned. The BRICS countries now produce 35.2 percent of
world output, while the G7 countries only produce 29.3 percent.
Since
2022, the five largest economies have been, in descending order, China,
the US, India, Russia and Japan. China's GDP (gross domestic product)
is about 25 percent larger than that of the US. Per capita, it is about
30 percent of the US's GDP, but with a population 4.2 times larger.
Today,
three of the five largest economies are members of the BRICS, while
only two of them are members of the G7. Compared to 1994, the situation
has also changed here. 30 years ago, the USA, Japan, China, Germany and
India were the five largest economies, three of which were still members
of the G7 and only two of which were members of the BRICS.
The global influence of the USA is waning
As the shares of the world economy have changed, so have the global power relations.
The
core alliance led by the USA, which includes the USA, Canada, the UK,
the European Union, Japan, Korea, Australia and New Zealand, accounted
for 56 percent of global production in 1994; today it is only 39.5
percent.
As
a result, the global influence of the United States is waning. A recent
illustrative example of this is that when the US-led group introduced
economic sanctions against Russia in 2022, very few countries outside
the core alliance joined in these sanctions. As a result, Russia had
little trouble shifting its trade to countries outside the US-led
alliance.
Worldwide convergence in economic activity
The
global economy is undergoing a profound process of mutual economic
rapprochement, also known as convergence, whereby regions that lagged
behind the West in terms of industrialization in the 19th and 20th
centuries are now catching up on lost time.
Economic
convergence actually began in the 1950s, when European imperial rule in
Africa and Asia came to an end. It has developed in waves, first in
East Asia, then about 20 years later in India, and in the next 20 to 40
years it will also happen in Africa.
These
and some other regions are growing much faster than Western economies
today because they have more "room to grow" in terms of GDP by rapidly
raising educational levels, improving the skills of their workers, and
installing modern infrastructure, including universal access to
electrification and digital platforms.
Emerging
markets are often able to leapfrog wealthier countries with
cutting-edge infrastructure (e.g. high-speed intercity rail, 5G, modern
airports and seaports), while wealthier countries face aging
infrastructure and expensive upgrades.
The
International Monetary Fund's World Economic Outlook predicts that
emerging and developing countries will achieve average growth of around
four percent per year over the next five years, while high-income
countries will achieve less than two percent per year on average.
Emerging markets such as China are making rapid progress
Convergence
is not only taking place in economic capabilities and infrastructure.
Many emerging economies, including China, Russia, Iran and others, are
also making rapid progress in technological innovation, both in civil
and military technologies.
China
clearly has a huge lead in the production of cutting-edge technologies
needed for the global energy transition, including batteries, electric
vehicles, 5G, photovoltaics, wind turbines, fourth-generation nuclear
energy and others.
China's
rapid advances in space technology, biotechnology, nanotechnology and
other technologies are similarly impressive. In response, the US has
made the absurd claim that China has an "overcapacity" in these
cutting-edge technologies, while the obvious truth is that the US has a
significant undercapacity in many sectors.
China's
ability to innovate and produce at low cost is underpinned by huge
spending on research and development and its huge and growing number of
scientists and engineers.
US continues to pursue strategy of "hegemony" – but to no avail
Despite
the new global economic realities, the US security state is still
pursuing its grand strategy of "hegemony". This is the US's aspiration
to be and remain the dominant economic, financial, technological and
military power in every region of the world.
The
US is still trying to maintain this dominance in Europe by surrounding
Russia in the Black Sea region with NATO troops, but Russia has
militarily resisted this both in Georgia and in Ukraine.
The
US is still trying to maintain its dominance in Asia by surrounding
China in the South China Sea, a foolish move that could lead the US into
a catastrophic war over Taiwan.
The
US is also losing its standing in the Middle East by defying the Arab
world's collective call for the recognition of Palestine as the 194th
member state of the United Nations.
But
maintaining a hegemony is certainly no longer possible today, and it
was presumptuous even 30 years ago, an expression of hubris when the
relative power of the US was much greater.
US hegemony not expected to be replaced by Chinese hegemony
Today,
the US accounts for 14.8 percent of global production, compared with
18.5 percent for China, and the US accounts for only 4.1 percent of the
world's population, compared with 17.8 percent for China.
However,
the trend towards broad global economic convergence does not mean that
US hegemony will be replaced by Chinese hegemony.
In
fact, China's share of world output is likely to peak at around 20
percent of world GDP in the next decade and then decline as China's
population declines.
Other
parts of the world, especially India and Africa, will then probably see
a sharp increase in their respective shares of global production and
thus also in their geopolitical weight.
The emergence of a post-hegemonic, multipolar world
We are therefore entering a post-hegemonic, multipolar world that is also full of challenges.
A
new "tragedy of great power politics" could begin, with several
powerful states that are also nuclear powers competing in vain for
hegemony. This could lead to a collapse of fragile global rules, such as
those of open trade within the framework of the WTO, the World Trade
Organization.
Further articles by Jeffrey D. Sachs:
The lust of US presidents for nuclear Armageddon
Telepolis
Continued colonialism: Why London and Washington are preventing Palestine from becoming a UN member
Telepolis
But
it could also lead to a world in which the major powers, in accordance
with the UN Charter, practise mutual tolerance, restraint and even
cooperation, because they recognize that in the nuclear age only a
policy guided by reason, which seeks to balance interests, can keep the
world livable for everyone and save it from destruction.
Jeffrey
Sachs (1954, Detroit, Michigan) is an American economist and professor.
He received his doctorate in economics from Harvard University in 1980.
Sachs' career has been marked by various academic positions and
advisory roles for major international organizations such as the United
Nations, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WTO).
As
director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia
University and as a professor, he is deeply committed to sustainable
development. Sachs is particularly well known for his decisive role in
the development of economic policies in Eastern Europe during the
transition from communism to capitalism. He is considered an advocate of
global poverty reduction.
Sachs's
achievements in economics have earned him numerous awards and honors.
His work and his commitment to a more just global economy have extended
his influence far beyond the boundaries of academia. In "The Price of
Civilization: Reawakening American Virtue and Prosperity" (2011), he
addresses issues of US society and economy.
Telepolis
has recently published a series of enlightening and courageous articles
by Sachs on the background, course and effects of the Ukraine war and
the Israeli war in Gaza.
Like
Mearsheimer, Sachs is one of the outstanding US academics who take a
clear, realistic and very critical stance on these wars and the
disastrous US foreign policy.
The
present article by Jeffrey D. Sachs, entitled "The Perils and Promise
of the Emerging Multipolar World", was published on June 6, 2024 on the
US website Common Dreams. This text was translated into German with the
permission of the author and provided with some subheadings.
Ukraine War: Why does the US not want a negotiated peace?
June 25, 2024 Jeffrey D. Sachs
[This
article posted on 6/25/2024 is translated from the German on the
Internet,
https://www.telepolis.de/features/Ukraine-Krieg-Warum-wollen-die-USA-keinen-Verhandlungsfrieden-9776574.html.]
Our
author calls for dialogue to end the war in Ukraine. Rejecting peace
negotiations will only bring more death. A plea. (Part 1)
For
the fifth time since 2008, Russia has now proposed to negotiate
security arrangements with the United States, this time with proposals
that President Vladimir Putin presented on June 14, 2024.
Read part 2 here
What Russia proposed in Istanbul in March 2022
Telepolis
The
US has already rejected a negotiation offer four times before, in favor
of the strategy of the US neoconservatives, whose goal is the continued
weakening or even dismemberment of Russia through war and covert
operations.
But
the neoconservatives have failed catastrophically. Their strategy has
led to the devastation of Ukraine and put the whole world at risk. After
all the warmongering, it is time for Biden to start peace negotiations
with Russia.
In
the second part of this article, Jeffrey Sachs describes how Russia was
close to a peace agreement in March 2022, after Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelensky agreed to Russia's demand for Ukraine's neutrality.
But the negotiations were abruptly broken off, allegedly after a visit
by British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who convinced Zelensky that a
military victory over Russia was possible. Sachs is a well-known critic of US policy on this issue, and his theories are the subject of heated debate.
US plan: permanently weaken and dismember Russia
Since
the end of the Cold War, the fundamental strategy of the USA has been
to weaken Russia. As early as 1992, the then US Secretary of Defense,
Richard Cheney, said that Russia should also be dismembered after the
fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.
Jeffrey David Sachs is an American economist and professor at Columbia University.
In
1997, Zbigniew Brzezinski argued that Russia should be divided into
three loosely confederated entities in Russian Europe, Siberia and the
Far East.
In
1999, the US-led NATO alliance bombed Serbia, which was allied with
Russia, for 78 days in order to divide that country as well and
establish a huge NATO military base in the secessionist Kosovo.
The
leaders of the US military-industrial complex vociferously supported
the Chechen war waged against Russia in the early 2000s.
To
back up the US attacks on Russia, Washington aggressively pushed for
NATO expansion, even though Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin had been
promised that NATO would not expand one inch east of Germany.
The
US pushed hardest for NATO expansion to include Ukraine and Georgia
because they were obsessed with the idea of completely encircling the
Russian naval fleet in Sevastopol and Crimea with the NATO states of
Ukraine, Romania (a NATO member since 2004), Bulgaria (a NATO member
since 2004), Turkey (a NATO member since 1952) and Georgia.
This was an idea that came directly from the script of the British Empire in the Crimean War of the 19th century (1853 to 1856).
In
1997, Brzezinski drew up a possible chronology of NATO expansion, which
was to include Ukraine's membership of NATO between 2005 and 2010.
Accordingly, the USA proposed Ukraine and Georgia's membership at the
NATO summit in Bucharest in 2008.
By 2020, NATO had indeed expanded to include exactly 14 countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. These
are the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland in 1999, Bulgaria, Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia in 2004, Albania and
Croatia in 2009, Montenegro in 2017 and North Macedonia in 2020. Ukraine
and Georgia were promised future membership in 2008.
In
short, the 30-year US project, originally launched by Cheney and the
neoconservatives and consistently pursued by the West ever since, is to
weaken and even dismember Russia, surround Russia with NATO troops, and
at the same time present Russia in its propaganda as a particularly
belligerent power.
Russia: Security agreements the goal
Against
this gloomy backdrop, the Russian leadership has repeatedly proposed
negotiating security agreements with Europe and the United States that
would provide security for all the countries concerned, not just the
NATO bloc.
However,
guided by the neo-conservative game plan, the US has refused to
negotiate at every opportunity, while trying to blame Russia for the
lack of agreements in this area.
In
June 2008, for example, as the US was preparing to expand NATO into
Ukraine and Georgia, then Russian President Dmitri Medvedev proposed a
European Security Treaty, calling for an agreement on collective
security in Europe and an end to NATO's "unilateralism". (This
is understood to mean "one-sidedness" in the actions of a state acting
only in its own interest without regard for the interests of others.)
Unfortunately,
the US had already shown no interest in Russia's proposals at that time
and instead continued to pursue its long-held plans for NATO expansion.
The violent Maidan coup in 2014
The
second Russian proposal for negotiations came from Putin after the
violent overthrow of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych in February
2014, which took place with the active complicity, if not complete
direction, of the US government.
I
was able to witness this complicity at close quarters in 2014, when the
government invited me to urgent economic talks after the coup. When I
arrived in Kiev, I was taken to the Maidan, where I was informed
directly about the US financing of the Maidan protests.
The evidence of the US's complicity in the coup is overwhelming.
In
January 2014, the US Deputy Secretary of State Victoria Nuland was
caught on tape preparing the change of government in Ukraine in a
telephone conversation.
In
the meantime, US senators traveled to Kiev in person to fuel the
protests (a comparable case would have occurred if Chinese or Russian
politicians had come to Washington on January 6, 2021 to incite the
crowd there to storm the Capitol).
On
February 21, 2014, the Europeans, the US and Russia negotiated an
agreement with Yanukovych in which he agreed to early elections.
But
the rebels broke the agreement that same day, occupied government
buildings, threatened further violence and deposed Yanukovych the next
day.
The US supported the coup and immediately recognized the new government.
64 covert regime change operations since 1947
In
my view, the Maidan coup was a covert regime change operation carried
out by the CIA, of which there have been dozens around the world. These
included 64 individual episodes between 1947 and 1989, which have been
meticulously documented by Professor Lindsey O'Rourke.
Covert
regime change operations are, of course, in many cases not completely
hidden from the public, but the US government then categorically denies
its role in them, keeps all documents strictly confidential and
systematically deceives the world along the lines of: "Don't believe
what you see with your own eyes! The USA has nothing to do with it."
Details slowly come to light
Details
of these operations eventually come to light through eyewitnesses,
whistleblowers, the forced release of documents under the Freedom of
Information Act, the release of documents after years or decades, and
also through memoirs, but of course most of it comes to the public far
too late for real accountability.
In
any case, the violent Maidan coup in 2014 in the ethnically Russian
Donbass region in eastern Ukraine led to a break with the coup leaders
in Kiev, many of whom were extremely Russophobic nationalists, including
some violent groups with links to the Nazi SS in the past.
Consequences of the Maidan
Immediately
after taking power, the coup leaders took steps to ban the use of the
Russian language in the Russian-speaking Donbass region.
In
the following months and years, the government in Kiev launched a
military campaign to forcibly retake the breakaway territories,
deploying neo-Nazi paramilitary units along with US weapons.
Minsk agreements: not implemented by the West
During
2014, Putin repeatedly called for a negotiated peace, which led to the
Minsk II agreement in February 2015, based on the autonomy of Donbass
and an end to violence on both sides.
In
this agreement, Russia did not claim the Donbass as Russian territory,
but instead demanded autonomy and the protection of ethnic Russians
within Ukraine. The UN Security Council approved the Minsk II agreement,
but the US neoconservatives secretly undermined it.
Years
later, Chancellor Angela Merkel blurted out the truth. The Western side
did not treat the agreement as a valid treaty under international law
that had to be implemented, but resorted to delaying tactics to "buy
time" for Ukraine.
In the meantime, around 14,000 people died in the fighting in Donbass between 2014 and 2021.
Russia's further proposal for negotiations in December 2021
After
the final failure of the Minsk II agreement, Putin again proposed
negotiations with the USA in December 2021. The topics to be discussed
there even went beyond NATO expansion and included fundamental questions
of nuclear armament.
Over
the past few decades, the US neo-conservatives had gradually destroyed
the nuclear arms control agreements with Russia, with the US
unilaterally terminating the ABM Treaty on ballistic missile defense in
2002, stationing Aegis missiles in Poland and Romania from 2010, and
even withdrawing from the INF Treaty in 2019.
In
view of these dangerous developments, Putin put a draft "Treaty between
the United States of America and the Russian Federation on Security
Guarantees" on the table on December 15, 2021.
As
an immediate measure, Article 4 of this draft treaty proposed that the
United States should abandon its attempt to expand NATO to include
Ukraine.
At
the end of 2021, I therefore called the US National Security Advisor,
Jake Sullivan, to try to persuade the Biden White House to enter into
these negotiations. My main advice was to avoid a war in Ukraine by
accepting Ukraine's neutrality, rather than continuing to pursue NATO
membership, which was a bright red line for Russia.
But
the White House immediately rejected my advice, claiming in a
remarkably nonsensical way that the expansion of NATO to include Ukraine
was none of Russia's business! But here we have to ask ourselves the
questions: What would the US say if a country in the Western Hemisphere
decided to host Chinese or Russian bases?
Would
the White House, the State Department or Congress say, "That's fine,
that's just a matter between Russia or China and the host country"?
No,
of course that would not happen. Let us remember: in 1962 the world
came close to a nuclear Armageddon when the Soviet Union had deployed
nuclear missiles in Cuba and the USA imposed a naval quarantine and
threatened war if the Russians did not withdraw the missiles.
The
conclusion I draw from this is that the US military alliance, NATO, has
just as little business in Ukraine as Russian or Chinese military
forces have anywhere near the US borders.
Editorial
note: In an earlier version of this translation, Zbigniew Brzezinski
was described as a "die-hard Russia-hater". This was a free addition
that was not included in the original. The insert has been removed. The
working method for translations by this author has been changed so that
greater editorial control is guaranteed in the future.
The
present article by Jeffrey D. Sachs, entitled "Why Won't the US Help
Negotiate a Peaceful End to the War in Ukraine? For goodness' sake,
negotiate!" was published on June 19, 2024 on the US website Common
Dreams (footnote 18). This text was translated into German with the permission of the author and provided with some subheadings.
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